From the Fringes: Retrospection, October 2026

From the Fringes: Retrospection, October 2026

By Jerome Aning | October 30, 2026

As part of our arrangement with this news website’s publisher, the last column of every month will be a retrospection of the previous columns, devoting space for updates, addenda, and epilogues, as well as feedback or comments from readers, clarifications, and corrections. New topics may also be introduced, subject to space constraints.  For errata, these will be initially published in the accompanying post of each column on the From the Fringes Facebook Page; the corrected pieces will uploaded later on the The Nation Week website.

Thank you, teachers!

After writing my Oct. 2 column on the occasion of the celebration of World Teachers’ Day (WTD) 2026 last Oct. 5, I read the 22-page fact sheet published by the UNESCO Institute of Statistics and the Paris-based International Task Force on Teachers for Education 2030 in line with this year WTD theme, “Standing with teachers 60 years of protecting the profession, advancing its status and shaping our futures.” The theme refers to the 1966 ILO/UNESCO Recommendation concerning the Status of Teachers currently undergoing revision by the UNESCO to meet the challenges that have emerged for the teaching profession, such as the increasing use of digital technologies climate change, and concerns about inclusion, migration and displacement.

“Status”, as defined in the 1966 document, includes “social standing”, or the public trust, respect and recognition accorded to teachers.  The UNESCO said that the teaching profession is “strongly associated” with public service and social responsibility, societal perceptions inevitably impacts teachers’ motivation, professional commitment, and willingness to remain in the profession.  Thus, teachers’ social standing is influenced by how they are depicted in society by media narratives, public discourse and government engagement. Citing various studies, the UNESCO said almost 60% of teacher unions globally cite the media as being critical of teachers, with only half saying the media’s representation of teachers is positive. 

Based on my assessment and experience, Philippine news media has been generally appreciative and respectful of teachers, especially those from public schools. Teachers are regarded as modern-day “heroes” and we often hear or read about teachers doing good deeds and making sacrifices, big or small, for their pupils and profession.  Awards and other recognition to teachers are given importance in news coverage and reportage.  Of course, there were the horrible stories of teachers accused of physical injury, criminal negligence, or even sexual harassment, but I regard them as the exceptions and the media do write about such teachers to serve as a warning to others but not to vilify the profession.

It is with the other forms of mass media, such as movies, books and other works of fiction, that I think teachers’ social standing get a hit especially when they are the villains in the story.  Generation Xers like me would recall “terror” teachers or professors like Miss Tapia of the television sitcom Iskul Bukol, as well as Miss Trunchbull and Miss Minchin from the film adaptations of Roald Dahl’s “Matilda” and Frances Hodgson Burnett’s “A Little Princess”, respectively.  Younger generations will have in mind Hogwarts professors Severus Snape and Dolores Umbridge in the Harry Potter franchise. Admittedly, the use of such characters in the movie or novel is part of the trope or narrative device or plot structure that the author intended to use to expose and resolve conflicts.  But as these characters become famous, they enter into normal conversations so much so that real teachers, whether deserving or not, get compared to such villains.  Fortunately, most authors are careful enough to ensure that their works do not unfairly damage teachers’ social status.  Thus, “terror teachers” are more or less counterbalanced by other “good” teachers who act as the protagonist’s mentor, friend, supporter or even rescuer. More importantly, fictitious “terror teachers” either have their own redemption arcs or get their comeuppance, much to the satisfaction of us viewers and readers.  So in a way, what happens to them at the end of the movie or novel also teaches us a lesson or two about life.

Prohibiting and Regulating Political Dynasties

While writing my two-part column (Oct. 9 and Oct. 16) on the campaign against political dynasties, I was delighted to discover that there is a healthy debate by ordinary people on the issue, particularly in social media groups, channels and threads delving on public affairs, good governance and general politics.  Following the Supreme Court’s Aug. 26 decision that excoriated Congress for failing to pass an anti-dynasy law as mandated in the Constitution, I came across, in several Facebook groups that I joined, a series of posts by a certain digital creator and reform activist using the name “Calla Yaan” (which is obviously a pseudonym), who is pushing for systemic change, in particular the shift to a federal parliamentary form of government and the opening of Philippine businesses to 100-percent foreign ownership, as the best ways to rid the country of political dynasties.

In one post, Calla Yaan said, “Corruption doesn’t have a last name. It doesn’t matter if it’s dynasty or non-dynasty. It doesn’t matter if it’s a group claiming to be the champion of the poor. If the system allows corruption, corruption will happen.” “Corruption in the Philippines is not just about family name, it’s about structure,” he (I’m using the masculine pronoun arbitrarily here) said in another post.  Calla Yaan blames the “winner-take all” nature of the presidential system wherein “everyone needs to steal to recover campaign costs that reach hundreds of millions.” He labeled as “different faces, same disease” the dynasties that treat provinces like family businesses, the non-dynasty traditional politicians who get elected promising change but “became worse”, and even party-list groups that use the poor as a poster whose congressmen live like oligarchs. He also identified two reasons why political dynasties continue to rule the country:  the weak party system and the ineffective term-limits that dynasties have exploited to remain in power one way or another. 

In my columns on political dynasties, I wrote about the debate in the 1986 Constitution Commission (ConCom) on the anti-dynasty provision as to whether political dynasties were the cause or the effect of the “lopsided” political and socioeconomic systems prevalent in years of strongman rule that the country was then emerging from.  We could have had a clearer answer to this debate had Congress heeded the provision and immediately passed anti-dynasty law.  Congress didn’t and as a consequence, political dynasties steadily accumulated more and more power so much so that people for like Calla Yaan, structural reforms are urgently needed to correct once and for all the systemic flaws in our current political and economic setups.  But this would mean the Constitution, particularly its political and economic provisions, would have to be overhauled, and I do not think Charter change is timely especially with the 2028 elections fast approaching.  The pending anti-dynasty legislation or the current people’s initiative for an anti-dynasty law, whichever prospers, is a good start in controlling or regulating political dynasties as intended by the ConCom. More importantly, when the anti-dynasty law, no matter how imperfect, is in place, the people should be vigilant and able to defend it from being abused or circumvented.

The United Nations at 81 and World Peace

In the days before and after United Nations Day, Oct. 24, my social media feed contained many news items, analyses and commentaries about the ongoing selection process for the next UN Secretary-General, so much so that I thought the global organization’s efforts to resolve conflicts and address humanitarian crises might have been put on the back burner.  A visit to the news section of the UN website allayed my concerns as I found out that despite the geopolitical intramural surrounding the race for the UN’s top seat, UN agencies remain on the ground, helping people caught in man-made and natural disasters, from the recent upland floods in Nepal to war-torn Gaza and Yemen.

As of this writing, the nominees to succeed incumbent Secretary-General António Guterres are: Ivonne Baki and Maria Fernanda Espinosa, both from Ecuador, the latter a former president of the UN General Assembly (GA); Argentina’s Rafael Grossi, currently the director-general of the International Atomic Energy Agency; former Costa Rican vice president Rebeca Grynspan, currently the secretary-general of the UN Conference on Trade and Development; Carolyn Rodrigues of Guyana; Lana Nusseibeh of the United Arab Emirates; and Olara Otunnu of Uganda.

Under the UN Charter, the secretary-general is appointed by the GA upon the recommendation of the Security Council (SC).  The GA and SC accepts and announces the nominations, after which several straw votes are conducted in the SC wherein members are asked to indicate whether they “encourage” or “discourage” a candidate or have “no opinion” on his or her candidacy. The successful candidate is the one who gets the approval of the majority of the 15-member SC and who is not vetoed by any of the five Permanent Members (P5) of the SC, namely the United States, Russia, China, United Kingdom and France.  Thereafter, the candidate is formally appointed by the GA.

The GA has recognized the tradition of regional rotation in the appointment of the secretary-general. The Latin America-Caribbean group of countries are expected to provide the UN its next secretary-general, and probably the organization’s first female secretary-general.  Based on media reports, the last straw ballot conducted last Oct. 16 showed all the candidates getting “discouraged” votes from two or more of the P5.  The next balloting will reportedly be held today (Oct. 30) and, for the first time, will include Nusseibeh, who was nominated only last Oct. 21.  The rules do not bar the GA and SC from selecting candidates from other areas as the P5 retain the right to veto any candidate they do not want.

The charter does not provide for the qualifications of the secretary-general but by custom, he or she should not be a citizen of any of the P5, and should be fluent in English and French.  The secretary-general serves a five-year term and may be reappointed, although no secretary-general has ever served a third term.  As the chief administrative officer of the UN, head of its secretariat, and executive officer of sorts of the SC, the secretary-general is the most important position in the 193-member organization that covers of most of mankind.  Whatever power and influence the secretary general exerts is derived from his position and his personality. The UN website states, “Equal parts diplomat and advocate, civil servant and CEO, the Secretary-General is a symbol of United Nations ideals and a spokesperson for the interests of the world’s peoples, in particular the poor and vulnerable among them.”  He or she is expected to uphold the values and moral authority of the UN, speak and act for peace, and at all times must possess independence, impartiality and integrity as he or she undertake steps, whether publicly or privately, to prevent international disputes from arising, escalating or spreading.

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